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This paper focuses on the study of clients of prostitution in Spain in order to understand why these men pay for sex. We analyzed the narratives of clients of prostitution through in-depth semi-directed interviews, group interviews, and discussion groups. This material is given structure by the application of the theory of frame analysis.

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We obtained four ideal client types of clients were obtained, namely: misogynist hatred of womenconsumerist everything is for salefriend affectionate but abusiveand critic occasional and repentant. We reach the conclusion that From this point of view the purchase of sex has nothing to do with is not due to the searching for quality sex, fun and hedonistic pleasure, but rather it is a strategy to that reinforces a masculine identity that conforms molded by to the expectations of the peer group. Key words: : gender, prostitution clients, frame analysis, theories of masculinity.

For decades the debate about prostitution has focused on the philosophical-political issue of consent.

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On the one side, there are those who defend the normalization of sex industry arguing that prostitution is any woman's right; on the other, there are those who state that it is irrational and unfair to seriously argue in favor of consent in a globalized planet, crossed by economic, ethnical and especially gender inequalities. For Sheila Jeffreysusing the term "[female] sex workers" makes men invisible and women the reason for the existence of prostitution.

Moreover, the term 'sex worker' gives prostitution the status of "a job like any other job", sending a clear message to society: prostitution does not have a gender, anyone can prostitute themselves Miguel, Because of this, Jeffreys proposes using the term "prostituted women" to indicate that the woman does not exist without the other pole of the relationship, which is called prostituting [individual] or prostitution user instead of the term "client", closer to sex industry and sex entrepreneurs.

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Prostitution has been legitimized from conservative, liberal and progressive stances, however we also find among these ideologies people opposed to it. Conservative arguments have been based on what is called a double sexual standard: women shall not have sexual relations until marriage; while men must have them. It is taken for granted that men need and it is good for them to have varied sexual relations.

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From the conservative perspective prostitution is considered a "lesser evil". The "greatest evil" would be that men were not able to satisfy their need for sex Miguel, In the 's, the arrival of sexual revolution would end part of the hypocrisy imposed by the double sexual standard. According to the new sexual norms to have many sexual relations is good, modern and transgressing.

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Well now, sexual revolution criticized the double standard, but not the traditional masculine sexuality; this way, the idea of a whorehouse starts to be idealized Miguel, One of the keys for the reconceptualization of prostitution after the seventies was the theory of free choice and consent: if there is consent, individual liberty becomes a determinant factor for its acceptance. The consequences of sexual revolution were, in this particular case, similar to those of the traditional double sexual standard: the market of prostitutes was secured, reinforced and extended.

Nowadays, the neoliberal patriarchy 17 has made gender violence against women extreme by means of dehumanizing and reifying them, turning women into merchandise that can be transformed in new business opportunities. The new function of prostitution at this neoliberal historic moment is to reinforce the sensation of power and domination that must accompany the hegemonic masculinity by means of the misogynous use of sexuality.

How does it work?

Prostitution is an institution that works to preserve the order of gender, as it serves men to underpin their traditional masculinity naturalized, non-penetrable and dominant and to extract from it or from its existence a symbolic masculine capital, a sort of gender surplus before women Connell, At present, in Spain we can difference various discursive typologies around this phenomenon. The abolitionist discourse states that prostitution is another expression of gender violence, in which victims are largely women in a patriarchal and capitalist context that commoditizes and reifies women.

Thereby, clients are accomplices of this sexual exploitation and take advantage of this patriarchal privilege proper to their gender. According to this vision, it is necessary to analytically distinguish the social phenomenon, which prostitution is, from the concrete collective of women who practice it.

This distinction will allow criticizing the social reality and the structure of subordination and sexual exploitation that underlies prostitution and have a solidary stance with the victims of this system Cobo, A factor relevant to understand this social practice is economic inequality among the population that offers prostitution and the one that demands it, thus fostering the appearance of a new class of servitude; one in which prostitution becomes one of the few available options for poor women Sassen, Carole Pateman conceptualizes prostitution bearing in mind that it is gendered sexes do not have the same role.

It is an institution by means of which society regulates for a price the free access of men to the bodies of women. And it has been and is tolerated because of the legitimization of a patriarchal ideology, now also neoliberal Jeffreys, The normalization of prostitution, according to philosopher Scott A. Andersonwould imply that people especially women ended up losing their right to sexual autonomy.

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The discursive typology in favor of legalization holds an amoral stance in relation to prostitution: it is neither good nor bad, nor does it harms women, but it is another job, as dignifying as any other. This discourse is placed in the struggle against stigmatization and marginalization of both the prostituted woman and the client, against sex trafficking, exploitation and abuse in the frame of any worker's rights and the use of the empowerment from the exercise of citizenship. From this discursive typology more complex measures are proposed; those that have to do with a change of mentality in the hegemonic socio-affective culture of our society, in view of ending any relationship of power, domination and exploitation in sexual-affective interactions.

In this line we find philosophers such as Martha Nussbaumwho states that problems implied by sex work come from conjuncture factors such as the social stigma that surrounds prostitution. In this text we intend to contribute to the debate on the phenomenon of prostitution in our country, analyzing an aspect of this reality that has not been sufficiently researched: those who demand prostitution, this is to say, clients.

For the Spanish case, in a report produced by the Mixed Commission of Woman's Rights and Equal Opportunities of the Congress of the Representatives of the Government of Spain, it is indicated that there are more than women who exercise prostitution, being the overwhelming majority poor, immigrant and undocumented, while almost the totality of clients, Moreover, in this report it is estimated that sex trade in Spain generates some 18 billion Euros a year and the expenditure of Spanish men in prostitution reaches 50 million Euros a day.

Indeed, this noticeable expense on prostitution services is also associated to a large of consumers, as it is demonstrated by another survey carried out by the Center of Sociological Researches inwhich estimates that In this article we present the most relevant from a research that we undertook from to Researches that analyze -and in some cases classify-prostitution clients are relatively novel.

At international level, the pioneer of this topic is Sven-Axel Manssonwho has studied the phenomenon of prostitution as of the 's from the viewpoint of men and clientele.

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The first comprises men who have the fantasy of a "filthy whore"; the second group is composed of those who want to experience non-usual sexual activities; in the third group there are those who because of fear, shyness, old age or a disability resort to prostitution as a consolation; finally, the fourth group mainly comprises young men who have a vision of sex defined by pornography, publicity and leisure programs.

Another noteworthy research in which a typology of the prostitution clients is carried out is the one performed in France by Mouvement du Nid. The second typology gathers men who refer to the distrust, fear and hate women produce in them to justify their consumption. The third category includes the "consumers of merchandise", who assume their condition of "consumers" in order to "buy" what is "on sale". The fourth category includes those who want to meet an imperative of sexuality, so they pay to avoid problems. Finally, the fifth category groups men addicted to sex.

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However, most of the researches who analyze the motivations expressed by men to ask for this sort of service do not produce a typology of these men. One of her conclusions is that the consumption of prostitution is rather a ritual to belong to a masculine group, utilized as organized leisure in the peer group nights out, meetings, bachelor parties, etc.

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Allison affirms that many men feel coerced by the group, thus the consumption of prostitution works as a form of masculine control, to demonstrate to the peer group that they are "fully men". A different perspective appears is Sex Markets, in which Giusta, Di Tommaso and Strom explore the offer and demand of prostitution and conclude that most men who use these services are excited by the idea of the illicit, of the transgression: for them, women prostitute themselves because they like it, not because of money.

Sociability, necessity of domination and entertainment are some of the reasons distinguishable in other studies.

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Sociability as a reason for the client of prostitution is ed for in the research carried out in Brazil by Elisiane Pasiniin which there is reference to "regular" men to define the client of prostitution. The need to dominate is distinguished in a work on Finn clients published by Anne-Maria Marttilain which the demand of paid sex is related to the generalized structures of power and to the need to dominate. Entertainment and desire to experience other sexual practices are ed for the book by Melissa Farley, Julie Bindel and Jacqueline M.

Golding entitled Men who buy sex. Who they buy and what they know. Also inCarmen Meneses analyzes the motives men have to pay for sex. From interviews, out of the 14 reasons to pay for sex, the three with which men agreed the most are: be able to choose different women every time InEnrique J.

As it is evident from the various researches we have analyzed, men's consumption of paid sex comes from a concrete manner to understand "being a man".

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If in the past the traditional values of men were responsible paternity and being the breadwinner and protector of the family, nowadays virility is built through a "compulsive sex life" that is boasted in front of the group of male peers. To develop this work and in view of understanding our study subjects, it was necessary to reflect on the construction of masculinity. Gender is one of the bearers of the central mechanisms by means of which power and resources are allotted in society, and it is by means of them that individuals model the meanings of their lives.

Gender studies analyze the asymmetric relations of power and opportunity that each individual has in society in function of their sexual body Ortner, Each social group exalts a masculinity model above the rest, which responds to political, economic, social and cultural logics. In any case, the construction of the masculine social identity is related to the sex-gender system of a society Otegui, This system is based, in the first place, on the theories that research the "naturalization" that explain the socially constructed sexual characteristics Irigaray, ; Moore and Gillette, ; Chodorow, ; Gilligan, ; Goldberg, ; secondly, on the functionalist theories that appear in order to legitimize the hegemonic socio-sexual orders in occidental societies Parsons, ; Gilmore, ; and in the third place, on the theories that emphasize the existence of a diversity in which their own relational component places them at "socio-historical standardization processes of some specific power relations" Otegui,such as constructivist Connell, ; Bourdieu, and queer theories Preciado, ; Butler, All in all, the importance of studies on masculinity lies in their capacity to analyze the practices and representations of men from their gender specificities, being such practices part of some social relationships that largely place men at a dominating position.

The masculine identity does not respond to a common model, but to a collective construction ly configured in the institutions and is exercised through social practices. The consumption of prostitution highlights such characteristics, where in the same cultural context there exist various masculinity models that operate with differenced gender mandates and where sexuality is an expression of exercising domination and power over the bodies of women in our society.

Due to the heterogeneity of the clients' sociological profile, in this work we opted to classify them in function of the story produced from their experience and perception of prostitution. In order to analyze their narrations we resorted to the use of frame analysis Gerhards, ; Goffman, in order to coherently structure their stories and classify them in to improve their handling and comprehension.

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At present, this research method is widely utilized to analyze how people understand situations and activities from multiple disciplines. With this sort of analyses it is proposed to identify the inner logic of the dominant "interpretative frameworks", stressing the various representations social actors perform by means of an organizing principle that turns fragmentary information into a structured and ificant political problem. Therefore, frames are constructions that provide such reality with meaning and structure its comprehension Snow et al. In the following section we describe the central framing dimensions of the ideological discourse of prostitution clients in our country and their claims to legitimize objectives, interests and ideologies from the declarations taken in the individual and group interviews with them.

Our objective is to establish a typology of prostitution clients from the analysis of their discourses, which makes this research different from ones.

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